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States with the largest unionized workforces

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Stacker analyzed BLS data for 2021 (released in January 2022) and ranked each state according to its percentage of wage and salary workers who were members of labor unions.
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States with the largest unionized workforces

Unions spent the first half of the 20th century transforming a massive industrial peasantry into the American middle class. In the second half of the 20th century, big business fought back by pressing for so-called “right-to-work” laws, which dilute the influence of labor unions and their power of collective bargaining.

The right-to-work campaign has been an unmitigated success for big business. Union memberships plummet wherever these laws exist, weakening the primary check on corporate excess. The results are clear: The dramatic decline in union membership that began in the early 1960s directly coincided with a meteoric rise in the share of income going to the top 10%.

To determine which states are the most unionized, Stacker looked at BLS data for 2021 (released in January 2022) and ranked each state according to its percentage of wage and salary workers who were members of labor unions.

Not surprisingly, the issue is politically polarized. Republicans overwhelmingly back right-to-work laws, and Democrats overwhelmingly side with their historic allies in labor. In fact, a red/blue map of the right-to-work states versus pro-union states looks nearly identical to that of the Electoral College.

Today, 27 states enforce right-to-work laws. These free-rider statutes extend the gains of union-won collective bargaining agreements to non-union workers who didn’t join or pay dues themselves. Predictably and as intended, many workers simply opt to piggyback instead of pitching in, which causes union membership and the influence of organized labor to dwindle. Big business prefers divided labor over organized labor for a reason. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), the median weekly wage for union members in the United States is $1,169 vs. $975 for nonunion workers.

In 2021, union membership stood at about 10.3% of the U.S. workforce. That’s a little more than half of the 20.1% that existed when BLS began tracking it in 1983. Three decades before that, in 1953, more than one in three private-sector workers were union members. Today, that number has dwindled to just 6.1%. Right-to-work legislation is decided at the state level, so the country’s remaining union members are not spread out evenly.

Keep reading to see which states are the most unionized.

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Khanrak // Wikimedia Commons

#51. South Carolina

– Members of unions: 34,000 (1.7% of employed population)
— Down 25,000 from 2020 (-1.2 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 42,000 (2% of employed population)
— Down 35,000 from 2020 (-1.8 percentage points)

No stranger to the bottom of the list, South Carolina once again takes the title of America’s least unionized state. The state’s workforce is growing quickly, while union membership has declined.

James Willamor // Flickr

#50. North Carolina

– Members of unions: 108,000 (2.6% of employed population)
— Down 21,000 from 2020 (-0.5 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 142,000 (3.4% of employed population)
— Down 19,000 from 2020 (-0.5 percentage points)

In the years when South Carolina isn’t the least-unionized state, its neighbor to the north often is. North Carolina became a right-to-work state in 1947, making it one of the early adopters of the movement. The right-to-work agenda emerged in the South after World War II, as integrated labor unions began threatening both the economic power structure and the racial power structure in the region.

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#49. Utah

– Members of unions: 51,000 (3.5% of employed population)
— No change from 2020 (-0.2 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 96,000 (6.5% of employed population)
— Up 21,000 from 2020 (+1.1 percentage points)

In 1955, Utah became the 18th state to join the right-to-work coalition—one of the first states to do so outside of the South. This dynamic, according to the Utah History Encyclopedia, is directly connected to organized labor’s long history of conflict with the Mormon church.

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#48. Texas

– Members of unions: 454,000 (3.8% of employed population)
— Down 109,000 from 2020 (-1.1 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 571,000 (4.7% of employed population)
— Down 122,000 from 2020 (-1.3 percentage points)

The term “right to work” was coined by anti-labor oil industry chiefs in Houston in 1936, and no state has been more central to the movement. After World War II, Houston businessman and vocal white supremacist Vance Muse founded the Christian American Association. Through the organization, he leveraged contemporary fears to successfully link unions with both integration and communism in the public imagination, while crafting the first right-to-work laws in Texas.

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#47. Arkansas

– Members of unions: 46,000 (3.9% of employed population)
— Down 9,000 from 2020 (-0.8 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 51,000 (4.4% of employed population)
— Down 18,000 from 2020 (-1.5 percentage points)

In 2018, a local CBS affiliate reported that union membership was on the rise in Arkansas, despite the state ranking above only 12 other states in terms of current unionization. Now, four years after the supposed boost, Arkansas has dropped even further—behind all but four other states.

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#46. South Dakota

– Members of unions: 16,000 (4% of employed population)
— Down 1,000 from 2020 (-0.3 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 20,000 (5% of employed population)
— Down 1,000 from 2020 (-0.5 percentage points)

Back in 2003, the Rapid City Journal ran an article under the headline “Unions Waning in South Dakota.” There were just 19,000 union members left in the state by 2002, down from 21,000 in 1997. Overall membership has continued to decline.

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#44. Idaho

– Members of unions: 36,000 (4.7% of employed population)
— Down 5,000 from 2020 (-0.9 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 42,000 (5.5% of employed population)
— Down 5,000 from 2020 (-0.9 percentage points)

Idaho’s union history can be traced back to the first half of the 20th century, to conflicts between laborers and corporate bosses in the booming timber industry. Today, Idaho is one of the 10 least unionized states in the country and part of a confederation of right-to-work states that spreads across the conservative Mountain West.

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#44. Louisiana

– Members of unions: 81,000 (4.7% of employed population)
— Down 18,000 from 2020 (-1.2 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 98,000 (5.7% of employed population)
— Down 15,000 from 2020 (-1.0 percentage point)

In 1954, a scathing report by a man named William J. Dodd called the adoption of right-to-work laws in Louisiana “without question the most controversial legislative problem considered during the 1954 legislative session.” Although the law’s authors insisted their motives were based in liberating Louisiana workers, Dodd pointed out that the proposed law restricted the use of some of organized labor’s most important tools, like picketing or recruitment. The law was eventually adopted in 1976.

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#42. Georgia

– Members of unions: 211,000 (4.8% of employed population)
— Up 17,000 from 2020 (+0.2 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 256,000 (5.8% of employed population)
— Down 15,000 from 2020 (-0.7 percentage points)

In 2016, labor leaders in Georgia cheered as a judge overruled a state law designed to dilute the influence of unions there even further. Despite that narrow victory, Georgia remains committed to protecting its well-earned image as a pro-business state, a status often won at the expense of its workers.

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#42. Virginia

– Members of unions: 176,000 (4.8% of employed population)
— Up 12,000 from 2020 (+0.4 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 240,000 (6.5% of employed population)
— Up 39,000 from 2020 (+1.1 percentage points)

Although the 2020 election saw Democrats flip Virginia, the state is still part of the South, where the modern anti-labor movement was born. Despite the change in leadership, Virginia’s right-to-work laws have thus far proven too deeply entrenched for progressives in the state to uproot.

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#40. Florida

– Members of unions: 448,000 (5.2% of employed population)
— Down 76,000 from 2020 (-1.2 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 529,000 (6.1% of employed population)
— Down 115,000 from 2020 (-1.8 percentage points)

When Florida was called for President Trump in the 2020 election, it became clear that Democrats would not get the election night knockout punch they had hoped for. Their allies in labor, however, won a major victory in the Sunshine State that day. More than 60% of voters passed a ballot measure that will raise the state minimum wage from $8.56 to $15 an hour by 2026, giving 2.5 million low-wage Florida workers a raise.

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#40. Tennessee

– Members of unions: 145,000 (5.2% of employed population)
— Up 28,000 from 2020 (+0.8 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 166,000 (5.9% of employed population)
— Up 29,000 from 2020 (+0.8 percentage points)

Tennessee is part of America’s right-to-work stronghold in the South, where union membership has dwindled to about 5% of the workforce. In 2020, state leadership proposed an amendment enshrining right-to-work language in the Tennessee constitution.

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#38. Arizona

– Members of unions: 167,000 (5.4% of employed population)
— Up 12,000 from 2020 (+0.1 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 208,000 (6.7% of employed population)
— Up 1,000 from 2020 (-0.4 percentage points)

Arizona’s union history revolves around the mining industry, in a relationship that was often volatile and frequently violent, with race, immigration, and the inherent unpredictability of the metals industry fanning the flames. Unions have faced an uphill battle in the state since the first right-to-work laws were enacted in 1947.

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#38. North Dakota

– Members of unions: 19,000 (5.4% of employed population)
— Down 2,000 from 2020 (-0.8 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 24,000 (6.9% of employed population)
— Down 1,000 from 2020 (-0.5 percentage points)

In 2020, The New Yorker investigated an interesting labor situation in North Dakota. Tensions were rising between Democratic Party opponents of the controversial Dakota Access pipeline and the labor unions that represented the workers. The infighting waned when the two groups seemed to find common ground, as large numbers of oil workers shifted to clean-energy jobs operating wind turbines—while oil industry employment stagnated.

Ken L. // Wikimedia Commons

#37. Mississippi

– Members of unions: 59,000 (5.5% of employed population)
— Down 15,000 from 2020 (-1.6 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 74,000 (6.9% of employed population)
— Down 12,000 from 2020 (-1.4 percentage points)

In the tumultuous 1950s and ’60s, union membership plummeted in Mississippi and much of the South as labor leaders allied with civil rights organizations. Union membership remains down in Mississippi as the state is still dominated by pro-business conservatives hostile toward the labor movement and suspicious of unions.

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Oklahoma CIty Convention and Visitor’s Bureau // Wikimedia Commons

#36. Oklahoma

– Members of unions: 87,000 (5.6% of employed population)
— Down 3,000 from 2020 (-0.4 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 105,000 (6.8% of employed population)
— Down 9,000 from 2020 (-0.8 percentage points)

Union culture in Oklahoma began when the state was still a territory, through labor uprisings in the mining industry. The arrival of the railroad brought a new breed of union to Oklahoma, followed by the rise of agricultural unions in the state, and finally the appearance of trade unions.

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#35. Wyoming

– Members of unions: 13,000 (5.7% of employed population)
— Down 5,000 from 2020 (-1.9 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 16,000 (6.9% of employed population)
— Down 6,000 from 2020 (-2.4 percentage points)

Wyoming serves as the bridge between two solid blocks of right-to-work states—one in the Midwest and the other in the Mountain West. To Wyoming’s east are solid-red North Dakota down through Texas and to the west are Idaho, Utah, Nevada, and Arizona.

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#34. Alabama

– Members of unions: 115,000 (5.9% of employed population)
— Down 36,000 from 2020 (-2.1 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 133,000 (6.9% of employed population)
— Down 31,000 from 2020 (-1.8 percentage points)

Although the number of union members found among Alabama’s employed population is still below the national average, it’s significantly higher than its neighbors in the Deep South, the heart of America’s right-to-work culture.

Schlendiran // Wikimedia Commons

#32. Colorado

– Members of unions: 165,000 (6.5% of employed population)
— Down 17,000 from 2020 (-0.9 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 192,000 (7.5% of employed population)
— Down 10,000 from 2020 (-0.7 percentage points)

In 2018, something happened in Colorado that’s a rarity in the modern era—union membership increased from 9.6% to 11%. The success was short-lived, however, and the state is now all the way down to 6.5%, its lowest union membership level since 2015.

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#32. Iowa

– Members of unions: 93,000 (6.5% of employed population)
— No change from 2020 (-0.1 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 118,000 (8.3% of employed population)
— Down 10,000 from 2020 (-0.8 percentage points)

As the 2020 presidential election grabbed all the headlines, thousands of public employees in Iowa turned out to vote in union recertification elections that determine whether or not they’ll retain their collective bargaining power. In 2017, Iowa’s conservative leaders succeeded in creating the recertification requirements to weaken unions further in the right-to-work state, but Democratic lawmakers have fought back.

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#31. Nebraska

– Members of unions: 61,000 (6.8% of employed population)
— Down 24,000 from 2020 (-2.8 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 72,000 (8% of employed population)
— Down 22,000 from 2020 (-2.5 percentage points)

At the turn of the 20th century, bakers in Omaha went on strike to protest $10 weekly wages for 10-17 hour workdays in sweltering hot, subterranean oven facilities that were commonly worked by children. However, anti-union legislation enacted in the 1940s established Nebraska as one of the oldest right-to-work states in America and part of the anti-union stronghold in middle America that runs from the Dakotas down through Texas.

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#30. Kentucky

– Members of unions: 126,000 (7.2% of employed population)
— Down 1,000 from 2020 (-0.3 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 170,000 (9.8% of employed population)
— Up 10,000 from 2020 (+0.4 percentage points)

Few states have a labor history as dramatic, bloody, and consequential as the coal wars that consumed Kentucky throughout the late 1800s and early 20th century—particularly the Harlan County War of the 1930s. In recent years, Kentucky has never been able to compete with Ohio and West Virginia in terms of the percentage of its miners who were union members. Membership plummeted from an already low 35% of miners in 1997 to 17% in 2017.

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#29. New Mexico

– Members of unions: 58,000 (7.5% of employed population)
— Up 5,000 from 2020 (+0.4 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 70,000 (9.1% of employed population)
— Up 6,000 from 2020 (+0.5 percentage points)

New Mexico—which is not a right-to-work state—includes an employed population with more than 7% union membership. That number was up over 8% as recently as 2017, but even that represents a decline from pre-recession membership.

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#28. Wisconsin

– Members of unions: 215,000 (7.9% of employed population)
— Down 12,000 from 2020 (-0.8 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 251,000 (9.3% of employed population)
— Down 13,000 from 2020 (-0.9 percentage points)

Despite its long history as a labor stronghold for American agriculture and industry, Wisconsin is now a right-to-work state with membership numbers that lag well below the national average. The state’s membership percentages have also declined much more rapidly than they have in the country as a whole. In 1983, nationwide union membership had dropped to 18%, but nearly one in four Wisconsinites were still represented by organized labor. 

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#27. District of Columbia

– Members of unions: 31,000 (8.9% of employed population)
— Up 1,000 from 2020 (+0.3 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 35,000 (9.9% of employed population)
— Up 2,000 from 2020 (+0.4 percentage points)

The District of Columbia is situated right on the border of the pro-union Northeast and the South, where right-to-work laws first emerged and remain the strongest. Today, District government employees alone are represented by 114 collective bargaining units, 48 locals, and 15 international unions.

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Momoneymoproblemz // Wikimedia Commons

#25. Indiana

– Members of unions: 256,000 (9% of employed population)
— Up 21,000 from 2020 (+0.7 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 290,000 (10.2% of employed population)
— Up 20,000 from 2020 (+0.7 percentage points)

Union membership in Indiana reached 11.3% in 2011. The next year, the state enacted right-to-work legislation, and the decades-long decline in union membership quickly accelerated.

Brian Hillegas // Wikimedia Commons

#25. Missouri

– Members of unions: 235,000 (9% of employed population)
— Down 3,000 from 2020 (-0.4 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 266,000 (10.2% of employed population)
— Up 12,000 from 2020 (+0.1 percentage points)

Missouri and neighboring Illinois are an island in a sea of right-to-work states, and Missouri voters chose to keep it that way when the issue came to a vote in 2018. A proposed right-to-work law was rejected by 67% of Missourians—an overwhelming majority.

Sean Pavone // Shutterstock

#24. Kansas

– Members of unions: 120,000 (9.2% of employed population)
— Up 6,000 from 2020 (+0.3 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 148,000 (11.4% of employed population)
— Up 4,000 from 2020 (+0.2 percentage points)

In 2018, while Missouri was overwhelmingly rejecting a right-to-work measure, neighboring Kansas marked its 60-year anniversary as a right-to-work state. According to the Lawrence Journal-World, early labor opponents in Kansas were successful in exploiting fears of communism and integration to fracture a long-standing alliance between farmers and industry workers.

Darren Ringer // Wikimedia Commons

#23. West Virginia

– Members of unions: 66,000 (9.6% of employed population)
— Down 5,000 from 2020 (-1.1 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 73,000 (10.5% of employed population)
— Down 2,000 from 2020 (-0.8 percentage points)

West Virginia’s labor history is rich in drama. Like Kentucky, West Virginia was a primary battleground for the coal wars—where mining bosses and their collaborators in law enforcement and government terrorized, arrested, evicted, harassed, and murdered labor leaders and union members. In 1921, as many as 100 people died in the Blair Mountain Massacre, the largest labor uprising in American history, when strikebreakers and their allies in the military and police attacked thousands of West Virginia miners and their families.

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#22. Delaware

– Members of unions: 42,000 (9.7% of employed population)
— Up 1,000 from 2020 (no percentage point change)
– Workers represented by unions: 44,000 (10.2% of employed population)
— No change from 2020 (-0.1 percentage points)

Despite being halfway through the list, Delaware is one of only a few states so far that doesn’t enforce right-to-work laws, a fact that reinforces just how detrimental those kinds of laws are to organized labor. At the start of 2020, Delaware made headlines when its employees in the state legislature announced plans to unionize.

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#21. New Hampshire

– Members of unions: 65,000 (10.1% of employed population)
— Up 3,000 from 2020 (+0.3 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 73,000 (11.3% of employed population)
— Up 3,000 from 2020 (+0.2 percentage points)

Despite trending Republican from the late 1940s through the late 1980s, New Hampshire is now a reliably Democratic state. Labor unions there are small but influential. In 2017, organized labor in New Hampshire led a successful effort to defeat proposed right-to-work legislation in the state.

Mbell1975 // Wikimedia Commons

#20. Maryland

– Members of unions: 295,000 (11% of employed population)
— Down 56,000 from 2020 (-2.1 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 332,000 (12.3% of employed population)
— Down 48,000 from 2020 (-1.8 percentage points)

In Maryland, the top two Food and Commercial Workers local unions represent the largest number of union members in the state by far. Together, locals 400 and 27 boast more than 39,000 members.

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#19. Montana

– Members of unions: 49,000 (11.2% of employed population)
— Down 1,000 from 2020 (-0.8 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 56,000 (12.9% of employed population)
— Up 2,000 from 2020 (-0.1 percentage points)

Off the coast, the entire inland Western United States from Missouri to the Pacific Ocean is made up of right-to-work states except three: blue Colorado and New Mexico, which fit the pattern, and ruby red Montana. A right-to-work bill, supported by the state’s Republican governor, was defeated on the floor of the Montana House of Representatives in March 2021.

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#18. Ohio

– Members of unions: 596,000 (12% of employed population)
— Down 41,000 from 2020 (-1.2 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 647,000 (13% of employed population)
— Down 39,000 from 2020 (-1.2 percentage points)

A strange and headline-generating reversal of alliances played out in a battle between a Republican incumbent and Democratic challenger in a 2018 Ohio House election: virtually all significant unions in both the public and private sectors endorsed the GOP incumbent. Nationally, 90% of union spending goes to Democrats, but in Ohio in 2019 it was almost evenly split.

littlenySTOCK // Shutterstock

#17. Nevada

– Members of unions: 153,000 (12.2% of employed population)
— Down 8,000 from 2020 (-1.2 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 176,000 (14.1% of employed population)
— Down 10,000 from 2020 (-1.3 percentage points)

The sheer size of the Las Vegas hospitality industry makes Nevada hard to compare to other states, but it has proven to be a model for union strength in modern times. However, its union membership has declined in recent years.

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#16. Vermont

– Members of unions: 32,000 (12.3% of employed population)
— Up 1,000 from 2020 (+0.5 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 37,000 (14.2% of employed population)
— Up 1,000 from 2020 (+0.4 percentage points)

Like all of its New England neighbors and the Northeast in general, Vermont is not a right-to-work state. In October 2020, the state’s Republican governor signed a bill that expands access to new employees for public-sector unions and includes other protections for organized labor.

Christopher Boswell // Shutterstock

#15. Maine

– Members of unions: 70,000 (12.4% of employed population)
— Down 12,000 from 2020 (-2.3 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 83,000 (14.7% of employed population)
— Down 10,000 from 2020 (-2.0 percentage points)

In 2017, Republican Gov. Paul LePage pushed to have Maine become the first Northeastern state to pass a right-to-work law. LePage argued that it was a necessary step to attract businesses, but his push was unsuccessful, the mixed state legislature balked, and in 2019, Maine elected a Democratic governor.

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#14. Massachusetts

– Members of unions: 402,000 (12.6% of employed population)
— Up 45,000 from 2020 (+0.6 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 433,000 (13.6% of employed population)
— Up 50,000 from 2020 (+0.8 percentage points)

Labor in Massachusetts flexed its muscles when the governor began devising reopening plans in May 2020, after the pandemic forced an economic shutdown in the state. Since union laborers comprised the majority of the front-line service workers who would be most affected, union leaders demanded a seat at the table of the committee tasked with crafting the reopening strategy.

Derek.cashman // Wikimedia Commons

#13. Pennsylvania

– Members of unions: 693,000 (12.9% of employed population)
— Down 24,000 from 2020 (-0.6 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 732,000 (13.6% of employed population)
— Down 43,000 from 2020 (-1.0 percentage point)

As an early leader in the mining, railroad, coal, and agriculture industries, Pennsylvania played a critical role in America’s formative organized labor movements. It’s not a right-to-work state, and starting in 1988, non-union, public-sector laborers who didn’t want to join or pay dues paid a reduced fee to be covered by union-earned collective bargaining agreements. Called the fair-share fee, this plan—and others like it all across America—was struck down by the Supreme Court in 2018 in a devastating decision against organized labor.

Rachel KRamer // Wikimedia Commons

#12. Michigan

– Members of unions: 540,000 (13.3% of employed population)
— Down 64,000 from 2020 (-1.9 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 620,000 (15.3% of employed population)
— Down 41,000 from 2020 (-1.3 percentage points)

In 2012, Michigan shocked the country when it became the 24th state to pass a right-to-work law in what had long been the cultural, historical, and political heart of the American labor movement. In 2018, five years after the law went into effect, nine of Michigan’s 11 largest unions reported declines in membership and political spending.

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Daniel Schwen // Wikimedia Commons

#11. Illinois

– Members of unions: 752,000 (13.9% of employed population)
— Up 13,000 from 2020 (-0.4 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 818,000 (15.2% of employed population)
— Up 30,000 from 2020 (no percentage point change)

The Pullman Strike, which led to the creation of Labor Day, took place in Illinois, home to the final resting place of Mother Jones. Some of the most important moments in the history of organized labor took place in Illinois as well, including the Cherry Mine Disaster, the Herrin Massacre, and the Haymarket Affair.

Sean Pavone // Shutterstock

#10. Connecticut

– Members of unions: 223,000 (14.6% of employed population)
— Down 39,000 from 2020 (-2.5 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 248,000 (16.3% of employed population)
— Down 34,000 from 2020 (-2.1 percentage points)

Connecticut has recently been a battleground for the labor movement in the Northeast. In 2019, unions prevailed in two high-profile legislative battles, one that guaranteed a $15 minimum wage and another that granted paid medical leave. The state remains on the front lines of the region’s ongoing labor battles.

Will Hart // Flickr

#9. Rhode Island

– Members of unions: 75,000 (15.7% of employed population)
— Down 6,000 from 2020 (-2.1 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 83,000 (17.4% of employed population)
— Down 4,000 from 2020 (-1.7 percentage points)

Although tiny in size, Rhode Island boasts one of America’s biggest union membership rolls in terms of the percentage of employee population—and it’s also home to some of organized labor’s oldest and richest history. The forerunners to Rhode Island’s first unions emerged in the early 1750s, before America was even a country.

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#8. Alaska

– Members of unions: 46,000 (15.8% of employed population)
— Down 3,000 from 2020 (-1.9 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 50,000 (17.2% of employed population)
— Down 5,000 from 2020 (-2.3 percentage points)

Iowa’s recertification law is hardly the only example of anti-union legislators erecting unnecessary legal barriers making it harder to join a union, to recruit new union members, and to stay within the state’s regulations. In Alaska, for example—a state with a long history of labor solidarity—the governor pushed for a rule in 2019 that would force union workers to opt in to their unions every year.

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#7. California

– Members of unions: 2.5 million (15.9% of employed population)
— Up 27,000 from 2020 (-0.3 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 2.8 million (17.8% of employed population)
— Up 102,000 from 2020 (+0.2 percentage points)

California is one of only two states in America that still measures its union members in the millions—and organized labor’s membership rolls in the Golden State continue to grow. After years of decline, unions in California realized gains among electricians, nurses, mechanics, researchers, animation artists, and more. This growth has been enabled by a labor-friendly state legislature.

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#6. Minnesota

– Members of unions: 416,000 (16% of employed population)
— Up 18,000 from 2020 (+0.2 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 446,000 (17.1% of employed population)
— Up 19,000 from 2020 (+0.1 percentage points)

Minnesota joins Ohio, Illinois, and Missouri as the only remaining states in the Midwest not governed by right-to-work laws. The state’s labor activists are famous for their intense political participation, and Minnesota union membership has increased as the state adds more and more jobs.

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#5. New Jersey

– Members of unions: 608,000 (16.2% of employed population)
— Up 8,000 from 2020 (+0.1 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 672,000 (17.9% of employed population)
— Up 12,000 from 2020 (+0.1 percentage points)

New Jersey is home to some of the oldest industrial centers, and its history in the labor movement goes back nearly as far as the industrial revolution. Shortly after the country won its independence, laborers in New Jersey’s massive shoemaking industry organized for better working conditions.

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#4. Oregon

– Members of unions: 318,000 (17.8% of employed population)
— Up 43,000 from 2020 (+1.6 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 336,000 (18.8% of employed population)
— Up 43,000 from 2020 (+1.5 percentage points)

Oregon is part of the organized labor stronghold that is the American West Coast. As union membership declined nationwide in 2019, membership rolls in Oregon went up. The downside, however, is that the influence of organized labor appears to have waned since the Supreme Court ruled in 2018 that non-union members can’t be forced to financially contribute to collective bargaining initiatives.

Oragne_Suede_Sofa // Wikimedia Commons

#3. Washington

– Members of unions: 629,000 (19% of employed population)
— Up 72,000 from 2020 (+1.6 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 661,000 (20% of employed population)
— Up 65,000 from 2020 (+1.4 percentage points)

One of America’s most reliable labor strongholds, Washington state saw its membership rolls rise by more than 10% in 2019 as unions across the state added tens of thousands of new members. Among the modern legislative accomplishments attributed to union activism in Washington are a $15 minimum wage, paid sick leave, and paid medical and family leave.

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#2. New York

– Members of unions: 1.7 million (22.2% of employed population)
— Up 68,000 from 2020 (+0.2 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 1.9 million (24.1% of employed population)
— Up 85,000 from 2020 (+0.5 percentage points)

New York stands with California as the only two states left with seven-figure union membership rolls. From the Brooklyn Bridge and the Empire State Building, to the network of subterranean tunnels that carry millions of New Yorkers on the city’s subway system every day, the evidence of New York City’s industrial heritage is literally everywhere you look. But it’s not just the big city—unions have contributed to every facet of the labor, politics, and social fabric across the state.

You may also like: 30 big companies that started with little to no funding

Izabela23 // Shutterstock

#1. Hawaii

– Members of unions: 121,000 (22.4% of employed population)
— Up 1,000 from 2020 (-1.3 percentage points)
– Workers represented by unions: 131,000 (24.1% of employed population)
— Up 1,000 from 2020 (-1.6 percentage points)

Only two states can still boast union membership of more than 20% of their working population—New York and Hawaii. The island chain witnessed labor uprisings long before achieving statehood, which were largely organized by race among laborers toiling in what was then the state’s sugar plantation system. Once workers united and formed one single union, however, organized labor grew deep roots in the state, and Hawaii continues to be America’s foremost union state.

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How has US wealth evolved since the 1980s?

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How do people allocate their wealth? The Wealth Enhancement Group analyzed data published by the Federal Reserve to answer this question.
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America’s economy has exploded since 1989.

Gross domestic product, which measures all of the goods and services produced in a year, grew from $9.9 trillion to $22.5 trillion from 1989 to 2023 (after accounting for inflation), according to the Bureau of Economic Analysis. This figure represents a massive increase in economic output.

This increased productivity has fed into a similarly significant increase in wealth. The Wealth Enhancement Group used data from the Federal Reserve to look at how the assets held by U.S. households has evolved over time.

Data shows that American households owned a combined $161 trillion in assets in the third quarter of 2023, up from $24 trillion in 1989. That makes for a roughly 570% increase, or 170% after adjusting for inflation.

After accounting for debt, such as mortgages, America’s total household net worth grew to $142 trillion, up from $20 trillion. Although the number is down by about 1% from its peak in the second quarter of 2022, it still reflects a dramatic increase over time.

The most valuable asset class the typical American family holds is real estate. Besides a significant drop during the 2000s subprime mortgage crisis and a brief dip following interest rate hikes in 2022, housing has been a reliable generator of wealth for the middle class.


Line chart showing the rise of household assets in the US between 1989 and 2023, which rose from $24 trillion to $161 trillion.

Wealth Enhancement Group

Household assets have skyrocketed since 1989

For Americans in the bottom half of the wealth distribution, housing made up 51% of their assets. Wealthier households, in contrast, tend to have higher shares of their savings in equities.

Households in the top 0.1% held 60% of their assets in shares of public and private companies in 2023. Meanwhile, households in the bottom half of wealth in the United States held only around 6% of assets in equities.

Yet, despite how much housing has grown in value, its ascent pales compared to the fastest-growing asset class: public equities.

Between 1989 and 2023, the value of public stocks held by American households grew by nearly 1,700%, rising from $2 trillion in value to $37 trillion. This trend, coupled with the fact that shares in companies are held disproportionately by the rich, has caused the share of American household assets held by the top 0.1% to increase from 8% to 12%.

A stacked bar chart showing the top 0.1% have most of their wealth in equities where housing makes up for 51% of the assets of people in the bottom half of wealth in the United States.

Wealth Enhancement Group

The wealthy tend to own shares in companies

Some economists argue that, in theory, the ratio of a country’s wealth to its economy, as measured by GDP, should be constant over time.

Yet, data from the Bureau of Economic Analysis and the Federal Reserve data shows that the ratio of the net worth of American households and nonprofit organizations to GDP rose from around 3.6 in the 1980s to 5.5 in the third quarter of 2023.

In 2022, YiLi Chien and Ashley Stewart, two researchers at the St. Louis Federal Reserve, offered a few theories to explain how this ratio has increased over time. They suggest that American companies might now have greater market power, allowing them to charge more. The authors also note that since the internet era, many of America’s biggest companies, such as Meta and Google, offer their services to consumers for free—while investors may value their economic contributions, they do not count for much in the GDP numbers.

However, assets are not net worth. The rich are more likely to own their homes outright. In the third quarter of 2023, households from the top 0.1% owned $1.83 trillion worth of real estate while owing just $70 billion in mortgages. In contrast, households in the bottom 50% of wealth owned $4.87 billion of real estate against $3 billion of housing debt.

Story editing by Ashleigh Graf. Copy editing by Kristen Wegrzyn.

This story originally appeared on Wealth Enhancement Group and was produced and
distributed in partnership with Stacker Studio.

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Deepfakes cause 30% of organizations to doubt biometrics, Gartner finds

A look at AI deepfakes, it’s impact on security, and ways to mitigate the risks

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A fake moustache and trenchcoat isn’t a convincing disguise, right? But a digitally altered video that makes your face identical to someone else’s? 

That’s a different story. 

Deepfakes are artificial images or videos that imitate a person’s likeness so convincingly that it can be nearly impossible to recognize they’re fake. Hackers use them to impersonate people’s faces and voices. This can have monumental impacts — even $25 million worth, which is what one undisclosed company lost in a deepfake scam. 

Even with all the money a company spends on voice authentication and facial biometrics, it can all be in vain if a deepfake hacker manages to fool them. 

Gartner explores the impact of deepfakes on organizational policy, and we’ll share some risk management considerations to address the trend. 

30% of organizations can’t rely on facial recognition software and biometrics

Biometrics rely on presentation attack detection (PAD) to assess a person’s identity and liveness. The problem now is that today’s PAD standards don’t protect against injection attacks from AI deepfakes. Once a bulletproof security strategy, biometrics are now inefficient for 30% of companies surveyed by Gartner. 

“These artificially generated images of real people’s faces, known as deepfakes, can be used by malicious actors to undermine biometric authentication or render it inefficient,” 

— Akif Khan, VP Analyst at Gartner 

The solution is a demand for more innovative cybersecurity tech. Gartner advises organizations to update their minimum requirements from cybersecurity members to include all of the following 

  • PAD
  • Injected attacks detection (IAD)
  • Image inspection

On top of that, you can beef up security with: 

  • Device identification: Numerical values or codes to identify a user’s device
  • Behavioural analytics: Machine learning algorithms to detect any shifts in day-to-day online behaviour

So, how can you account for deepfakes risks and mitigation in practice? Here are a few more tips to consider: 

  • Educate employees: Hold monthly or quarterly meetings with experts in the field to help your employee identify common signs of deepfakes, including blurred or pixelated images in a person’s video, or distorted audio. Greater awareness of what to look out for can allow employees to flag suspicions. 
  • Don’t rely on one authentication process: Multi-factor authentication demands 2+ pieces of evidence to verify a user before admitting them into a network. Include email, phone, or voice verification in addition to biometrics. 
  • Invest in deepfake detection software: Consider a subscription Sensity AI, Deepware Scan, Truepic, or Microsoft Video Authenticator. 

Gartner plans to share more findings and research on deepfakes at their security and risk management summits taking place in various countries around the world. 

Read more about those summits and see the news release here.

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Where companies have adopted AI—and where they are planning to do so in the near future

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Verbit analyzed survey data from the Census Bureau to see which states have the most companies that are enthusiastic about artificial intelligence.
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On Nov. 30, 2022, OpenAI launched ChatGPT, a chatbot driven by artificial intelligence. The app spread like wildfire. Not only did it provide an entertaining companion to chat with, but it also showed promise as a piece of productivity software.

ChatGPT allows users to ask questions about myriad topics and get useful responses in a way that search engines like Google cannot provide. Similar technologies have emerged in all kinds of domains, including image generation, language translation, transcription, computer programming, and more.

Firms across the U.S. are embracing artificial intelligence. To find out which regions are the most enthusiastic about AI, Verbit analyzed data from surveys taken by the Census Bureau in December 2023. Overall, 4.9% of businesses said they were using AI to produce goods or services in the past two weeks, while 6.7% say they plan to within the next six months.

Unsurprisingly, information technology companies are the most eager to use artificial intelligence—22% of respondents from American tech companies said they had used AI for their products or services within the past two weeks. That number actually understates AI’s impact in the field. A survey of computer programmers conducted by JetBrains, a software company, found that 77% of respondents used ChatGPT, while 46% used GitHub Copilot, an AI coding assistant.

Professional, scientific, and technical services were the second-most likely type of firm to respond that they used AI tools, according to the Census Bureau. Law firms are using tools to scan through thousands of past cases. And, according to Tess Bennett, a technology reporter for Financial Review, consultants and accountants are using AI to create PowerPoint presentations and conduct exploratory data analysis.


A map of showing which states have the highest share of companies who are currently using AI to produce goods and services.

Verbit

Top adopters

Some businesses have been quicker to adopt AI than others. Companies in Rhode Island lead the way on this front—8.7% of businesses in the state are currently using AI, nearly twice the rate of companies in the United States as a whole.

Companies on the West Coast and the Southwest tended to be more AI-friendly, while companies in the Rust Belt were likelier to have the lowest interest in using AI tools.

This story matches the Census survey numbers with data on what kinds of companies each state has within its borders and the education level of its workforce to understand why these disparities across states exist.

In general, states with a higher share of businesses in the technology sector also were likely to have more businesses use AI to produce goods and services. However, the weak correlation suggests that despite all of the hype surrounding AI, companies have still been slow to change their practices to adopt the technology.

A map showing which states have the highest share of companies which plan to use AI to produce goods and services in the next 6 months.

Verbit

Getting on the bandwagon

Businesses in Washington D.C., were the most likely to say they planned to adopt AI in the next six months, at 13.7%. Meanwhile, about 9% of businesses in Maryland, Alaska, New Mexico, Rhode Island, and Florida said they planned on implementing AI. Alabama and Delaware were the least enthusiastic about AI adoption—only 3.3% of businesses in the two states reported plans to implement AI.

This analysis of Census data found a much stronger correlation between how many of a state’s firms are in the tech sector and their willingness to implement AI in their business practices in the near future.

Similar trends were found when it came to states with highly educated workforces—in general, the higher the share of a state’s residents with college degrees, the more likely its businesses were to say they were planning on implementing AI. Artificial intelligence might be the future. But Census data reveals it is still early days.

Story editing by Ashleigh Graf. Copy editing by Kristen Wegrzyn.

This story originally appeared on Verbit and was produced and
distributed in partnership with Stacker Studio.

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